The Ukrainian diaspora divide

North America’s two Ukrainian communities may have less in common than many in Kyiv assume

The Ukrainian diaspora and President Yanukovych share a long history of mutual distaste. Since becoming president Yanukovych has had to overcome something of a long-held grudge against the diaspora, who he has traditionally regarded as political opponents – a view that is not entirely groundless. Both the Canadian and US diasporas wedded themselves to the Orange Revolution, supporting pro-democracy protests and sending thousands of observers to the 2004 elections that cost Yanukovych the presidency. Even Viktor Yushchenko’s wife Kateryna, who was born in Chicago, was a proud Ukrainian-American until her husband assumed the presidency and she renounced her US citizenship. However, reconciliation with the diaspora has now become a bitter but necessary pill for President Yanukovych to swallow. This should not be too difficult for a man who prides himself on pragmatism and knows the importance of trade cooperation with this particular continent. As President Yanukovych builds bridges with the diaspora he would do well to acknowledge the different positions occupied by the Ukrainian communities in the US and Canada.
Canada’s diaspora dominance
There are over two million members of the Ukrainian diaspora currently living in North America, but while many in Kyiv regard these ethnic Ukrainians as a homogenous group there are actually significant differences between the Canadian and American diasporas. In terms of size, the two communities are similar – there are about 1.2 million Canadians of Ukrainian origin, making Canada third in the world when it comes to Ukrainian populations, behind only Russia (some three million) and Ukraine itself. America, meanwhile, boasts around one million Ukrainians. There is a world of difference between the proportional pull of these communities: the Ukrainian diaspora accounts for just 0.3% of the overall US population whereas the figure for Canada is closer to 4% – a politically potent minority. The differences between these Ukrainian diasporas have been evident this year as both communities reacted to President Yanukovych’s first months in office. In the US, a grassroots-style campaign of resistance formed, characterized by a hardline stance – refusing negotiations with the Ukrainian president until concrete signs of progress toward democracy emerge. Canada’s Ukrainian diaspora leaders have taken a more diplomatic approach and have on occasion employed their country’s top politicians. This use of senior political muscle is an option the Ukrainian-Americans simply don’t have. Dr. Roman Yereniuk, acting director of the Centre for Ukrainian Canadian Studies in Manitoba, argues that large numbers of ethnic Ukrainian voters may be one reason why high-level Canadian politicians have paid more attention to diaspora issues than their US counterparts. Yereniuk says it is often hard for Ukrainian-Canadians not to view their southern neighbour with some disappointment when it comes to the US role in East European politics. “The Ukrainian community in Canada commonly sees the United States government as supporting Russia to a large extent and Ukraine to a lesser extent,” Yereniuk says, adding that in his country the opposite is often the case. “In Canada we have the numbers to force the government to put first priority on Ukraine.”
Long-term investment in Ukraine
Yereniuk believes most Canadians recognize that what happens in Kyiv will have repercussions in Ottawa. Family ties have brought the two nations together, for better or worse. “The Canadian diaspora is saying we’ve invested a lot in Ukraine,” Yereniuk explains. “We’d like to see Ukraine continue along its path, even though we know we can’t always control the direction of that path.” The Ukrainian-Canadian community’s influence was on full display during Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s visit to Ukraine in October, accompanied by Paul Grod, president of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. Harper took time to pay his respects at the Holodomor Memorial and also met with Ruslan Zabilyi, the Lviv historian detained by the Ukrainian security services over disclosures relating to Stalin-era atrocities. Canadian PM Harper concluded his trip with a memorable speech at Lviv State University where he characterized the Holodomor as genocide against the Ukrainian people, an important distinction from the Moscow line and one that many American politicians are nervous to make. In contrast, when US Vice President Joe Biden visited Kyiv in 2009, he also made remarks that won’t soon be forgotten – commenting on the country’s abundance of attractive women.
US Ukrainians boycott Yanukovych
Without the dependable support of its government, the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States has learned to take a more obstructionist approach. When President Yanukovych came to New York in September to address the United Nations, the Ukrainian community denied his request for a meeting. Instead they protested in the street, some 200 people determined to embarrass the president and call attention to his policies. While these Ukrainian-Americans may lack the Canadians’ numbers or high-level political clout, the US remains a key business partner and a centre of world politics. If President Yanukovych wants to travel and conduct business in the States without the extra baggage that protests bring, he may feel obligated to make concessions. “Any mutually beneficial dialogue must consist of concrete objectives and willingness for them to be discussed,” says Tamara Olexy, head of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America. She quoted from a letter responding to the Ukrainian president’s invitation to develop dialogue during his trip last September: “Our united Ukrainian community in the USA will gladly meet with you and engage in constructive dialogue, when we feel from you a genuine care for the Ukrainian nation and its concerns.” Snubbing an invitation from Ukraine’s head of state is a bold move – it is certainly hard to imagine the Canadians displaying that sort of grit. But perhaps these two different styles complement each other. “Every country has its specific issues and priorities,” says Olexy. But even though the Ukrainian communities in these two North American nations differ in methods, they are often able to maintain a united front in advancing those issues, she concludes.
William Schreiber ( wms@gwmail.gwu.edu ) is a Boren National Security Scholar based in Warsaw